After the recent Arab uprisings, a great number of analyses have been proposed on the impact of social media on revolutions, which lack a comprehensive view of all stages of revolutions, particularly what happens after the collapse of the ruling regimes with regard to the establishment of new political orders. This research considers the impact of social media in all stages of revolutions and offers a consolidated explanation, regardless of objective cases. In response to question of the impact of social media on revolutions, the authors explain that social media, by developing activists’ network, serve as a structural stimulus in the beginning of an uprising before the street protests. However, these networks lack the required capacities to lead the new political order and may result in a Refolution. This descriptive-analytical research, analyses the role of social media in developing activists network according to Castells’ theory, the structural stimulation of uprisings by social media according to the views of Tufekci regarding the causes of revolutions, the incapability of activists’ networks to lead the new order based on the Refolution theory of Bayat, develop and consolidate these views and theories.

The events that happened in the Arab world in 2011 were contradictory and paradoxical. Those would not be called revolution and not reform. Therefore، new concepts are needed to explain these events. This research tries to explain the uprising of the Egyptian people and the cause of their failure by using the term "Refolution"(revolution-reformation) and "explaining it". Therefore، in this article، first، we try to clarify the concept of “ Refolution” and its differences with the classical revolution. Then، with its application، to explain the uprising of the Egyptians، we explain the cause of its failure. The research hypothesis is based on the fact that what happened in Egypt was not a full-blown revolution، but a combination of revolution and reform. Thus، although the popular movement left Hosni Mubarak out of power، parts of the former regime's bureaucracy، including the army، remained in power، which caused the revolution to deviate from its popular path and defeat it.

Revolution theoreticians have declared contending and approximately incompatible theories, caused in bewilderment among concerned field enthusiasts. As a result, some have intended to categorize these theories till reduce bewilderment, and make them easier to study. One of these theoreticians is Jack Goldstone who at first categorized theories of revolution into three generations. But after the beginning of 1990s, he suggests, we are transferring into fourth generation of revolution theories that considering the defects of first three revolution theories in explaining revolutions and has more generality in comparison with previous generations, so can be used as complementary beside three previous generations.

Sayed Mohammad Reza Ishghi is considered one of the constitutional poets in Iran and a forerunner in the case of literary modernism.The concept of literary modernism is closely related with romanticism and its expansion from constitutional literature onward. Ishghi is the most outstanding poet of romanticism in his contemporary time. While his romanticism enjoys lyric elements; it is more concerned with social and Revolutionary issues. Referring to ups and downs in Ishghi's life and highlighting romantic aspects of his works, this article analyses some of his works including "Maryam's three painting". Also, the romantic features of his works in terms of form and content will be presented.

Couplet is one of poetic frames by which many literary masterpieces from ancient times were represented in such poetic frame and proportional to each era, many concepts and themes, including epic, mystic and lyric and often within the format of novels and short stories have been expressed cryptically and allegorically. Until age of Constitutional Revolution, couplet frame was remarkably presented in the field of Persian poetry and verse. However, after Constitutional Revolution and coincided with prevalence of Free Verse, it was forgotten while after the victory of Islamic Revolution and outbreak of Iraqi Imposed War it was born again and revived for the second time. It seems that re-exposure of this frame in the field of Persian verse has been followed by essential changes and innovations in form and structure rather than thematic and content differences from the previous careers where the foremost changes and innovations of such kinds may be evident in meter, rhyme and refrain. The present article is intended to examine the most important changes and structural innovations within couplet frame than the literary former careers along versified couplets in literature of Islamic Revolution and works of poet at this period and reveal the frequency of these neologies and changes.

In this article, the revolution and the Revolutionary system are examined from different perspectives.The question is what is the solution to prevent the transformation of the revolution and not to turn it into a conservative system and also not to limit the circle of the revolution. Ayatollahs Khamenei, Leotrotsky, and Arnold Twain Bey have responded to the issue from different perspectives. Ayatollah Khamenei believes that given the continuity and evolution of the phenomenon of revolution, the resulting political system must always remain Revolutionary in order to prevent stagnation and stagnation. To this end, he proposed the "theory of the Revolutionary system."Leotrotsky proposed the "theory of continuous revolution" to prevent the defeat of the Russian revolution and its export to other countries. Arnold Twainby justified the evolution of civilizations (occurrence, survival, and decline) by proposing the idea of ​​"opposition and reaction."From a methodological point of view, the issue has been briefly studied using a descriptive-comparative study within the framework of the three schools of Islam, Marxism and liberalism.

Among the populations loyal to the Islamic Revolution of Iran, there are many educational styles that have in common a model of education based on the Islamic Revolution, which is known as "Revolutionary Education".The present article tries to deal with the concept of "Revolutionary education" with the method of conceptual analysis. For this purpose, at first, the types and meanings of Revolutionary education were formulated, and then, with the aim of providing a normative definition of "Revolutionary education" and "Revolutionary man", the semantic elements of "Revolutionaryism" were and further, the conceptual boundary of "Revolutionary education" with similar concepts in the insider discourse, i.e. Mahdavi education, jihadi education, Basiji education, as well as rival discourses, was defined. After researching and analyzing the meanings and types of "Revolutionary education" as well as examining its semantic elements in the discourse of the Islamic revolution, in the definition of "Revolutionary education", on the process of helping the educator to fight for justice and rationality with non-divine rule, and acceptance and commitment to divine legislative sovereignty; Along with approval, participation, supervision and criticism were emphasized in the Islamic government. Also, the concept of "Revolutionary education" in other discourses (post-modern, neo-Marxist and critical approaches) is different from this concept in the discourse of the Islamic Revolution, in terms of infrastructure and superstructure.

This article seeks to answer the question: what are the components of Revolutionaryism, being Revolutionary, and staying Revolutionary in the political thought of the supreme leader? In the supreme leader‘ s meetings with the people and the authorities of the system, the great leader had a particular emphasis on the necessity of protecting Revolutionary passion, maintaining the Revolutionary spirit, acting in a Revolutionary way and revolutionism. On this basis and according to the research question, there may be found five major components for revolutionism, being Revolutionary, and staying Revolutionary in the political thought of the Supreme Leader including: "adherence to the foundations and fundamental values of the Islamic Revolution", "continuous pursuit of ideals and strong will for attaining them", “adherence to the country’ s comprehensive independence”, “sensitivity against the enemy and not obeying it” and “religious and political piety”; therefore, considering these components, one may regard the revolution-opposing of revolutionaries as the most important threat, challenge and damage of the Islamic Revolution after the victory revolution.

By studying the internal factors of the 2011 crisis in Syria, this article aims todescribe causes led to the self-stimulation of some Syrian people in fightingagainst the Assad government and in attempting to change the political systemof the country. Investigation of the Syrian crisis indicates that beside theextensive support from the outside borders, the Assad government naturally andinevitably has prepared the opportunity for the popular revolts to occur, andresulted in the conversion of public hatred into a revolution. Based on CraneBrinton’ s findings in the book “ The Anatomy of Revolution” , it seems thatSyria’ s crisis is almost consistent and uniformed like the pattern of fourrevolutions which Brinton studied. Symptoms such as: existence of a tyrannyand its inability to suppress revolutionaries severely and completely, and alsothe prevalence of the notions like idealism and liberalism amongrevolutionaries, which had a fundamental role in providing necessary andsufficient objective and subjective aspects for the revolution, are also observedin Syria’ s crisis. While investigating the internal factors of the crisis, this articletries to describe the symptoms of Revolutionary fever which has resulted intothis crisis. This article concludes that the internal symptoms of Syria’ s Revolutionaryfever can be categorized in four categories: 1-the historical hardship that haddominated the country since a long time ago, and during Hafez Assad era, resumed with an unexampled suppression, and left its effects on Bashar Assad’ sreign; 2-presence of extremist and Salafi groups in this crisis which hasresulted in advent of extremism in the country and rejection of any compromiseand talk with the government; 3-political, economic and social inefficiency ofSyria’ s system that blemished its legitimacy and failed to suppress oppositiongroups; 4-the political discourse of the government system as a result ofresistance discourse against Israel and the great powers. Focus on these issuesand through descriptive and analytical methods, the article has utilized libraryresources, news sites, newspapers and field sources through interviews withSyrian students in Iran and cognizant people.

Shariati was one of the main theoreticians of the Iranian Islamic revolution and his main work was the reconstruction of the Islamic thought as a Revolutionary ideology. In order to comprehend the dimensions of this ideology, one can consider Shariati’s impression of competing modern ideologies. In this framework, the aim of this paper is to consider how the ideologies of Nationalism, Socialism and Marxism influenced Ali Shariati’s thinking. The method of work is historical research and qualitative content analysis. The results suggested the inspiring effect of mentioned ideologies on the structure of Shariati’s thinking in the work of compiling the ideology of the Islamic Revolution.